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ROLES OF
SELF OBJECTIFICATION AND APPEARANCE ANXIETY ON MARITAL SATISFACTION
ABSTRACT
This study
investigated the role of self-objectification and Appearance Anxiety on marital
satisfaction among married people. Two hundred and fifty-three (253)
participants purposively selected from St, Peters Catholic Church, ministry of
education and ministry of Health, in Uyo, Akwa-Ibom State consisting of 109
males and 144 females with a mean age of 35.6 years. A survey design was
adopted for the study. Three instruments were used in the study objectified
body consciousness scale (Melkinley & Hyde, 1996), social Appearance
Anxiety scale (Hart, David, Payo, Fresco, Holle & Henberg (2008) and
couple’s satisfaction index (Funk & Rogge, 2007). A 2-way analysis of
variance of unequal sample size was used to analyse the data. The result showed
that married people who have high self-objectification experienced low marital
satisfaction more than married people with low self-objectification (F, CI,
249) =3.979; p<0.5), thus was confirmed and significant. The result also
revealed that married people who have high Appearance Anxiety reported low
marital satisfaction more than married people with low Appearance Anxiety
(LSD5.11; p> .05). It was therefore
concluded that levels of self-objectification and Appearance Anxiety are
predictors of marital satisfaction. Implication and recommendations for future
study were made.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Satisfaction
is the pleasure that one feels when they do something or get something that
they wanted or needed to do or get. It is the art of satisfying or the state of
being satisfied. Satisfaction is a pleasant or positive emotion. It can also be
a feeling, or can even be a state of a mind. A person feels satisfied by
accomplishment, recognition, invention, and service. The opposite of
satisfaction is dissatisfaction. Dissatisfaction occurs when we fail at doing
something many times. Satisfaction is also motivator of behavior.
Marital
satisfaction refers to a subjective global evaluation of one’s relationship
(Narimani, Porzoor, Atadokht & Abbasi, 2015). Being in a satisfying
marriage has consistently been associated with better physical health, mental
health, and overall life satisfaction (Mirfardi, Edalati, & Redzuan, 2010).
Conversely, marital distress, separation, and divorce have been linked to
increased stress, poor physical health, and emotional (Narimani, Porzoor ,
Atadokht & Abbasi 2015). . Marriage
as an institution has a crucial role in helping two individuals to have
personal growth and enrichment from established family life. According to
Fowers (1995), Love and marriage is the primary source of individual happiness
and meaning in life. These fulfillment, happiness and positive development will
be possible only when the relationship between couples is coherent and
satisfactory. One of the most important
goals of marriage is the will to attain marital satisfaction (Zainah, Nasir,
& Ruzy, 2012). Marital satisfaction is a complex and multi-dimensional
phenomenon, which has been extensively explored by the most diverse scientific
fields (Rebello, Silva Junior, & Brito, 2014). According to Schoen et al.,
marital satisfaction is a global evaluation of the state of one’s marriage and
a reflection of marital happiness and functioning. From an evolutionary
perspective, marital satisfaction can be viewed as a psychological state of
regulated mechanisms that monitor the benefits and costs of marriage to a particular
person. In the definition of marital satisfaction, experts agree that it
subjectively assesses quality of relationship (Farahmand & Ahmadnia, 2014).
It seems that factors which influence or contribute to marital satisfaction may
differ across cultures. For example, a husband’s income is a more important
variable for marital satisfaction in Japan as compared to United States. After
marriage, individuals seek a life full of happiness and satisfaction;
therefore, more significant than the marriage itself is success in marriage and
marital satisfaction. As a result, a decrease in marital satisfaction not only
creates an inappropriate atmosphere in a family but also leads to family
instability and divorce . Therefore, due to the significance of the balanced
function of the family and preventing it from breaking up, it is necessary to
know the effective factors in marital satisfaction which is the strengthening
basis for married life (Stevens, Kiger, & Riley, (2001). In spite of widely
studies about marital satisfaction, many researchers have claimed that some
aspects still need to be explained. Moreover, Pleasant and relaxing couples
relationship is not only suitable in order to their growth and flourishing, but
also it is essential for children’s development and growth. So, it could be
definitely considered as a factor for achieving life’s goals and is effectively
influenced mental disorders in the community. Although, results of a study
shows that almost all couples have high marital satisfaction in early years of
marriage life but, it painfully decreases over time when their age increases
(Motavalli , Ozgoli, Bakhtiari, 2008.).
On the other hand, lack of marital satisfaction has important
consequences such as impairment in social interaction, feelings of isolation
and loneliness, lower life satisfaction and family disputes that note the
importance of this factor again. Results of some studies have shown that
factors such as social, economic (income) and employment situation as well as
personality, cognitive, religious factors besides, dating before marriage,
spousal age, number of children, couples’ age gap, addiction, education,
gender, disease and sexual satisfaction involved in marital satisfaction. It is
worth to mention that Chiung, (2005), have claimed that factors affecting
marital relationship is obviously vary in different culture. The most marital
dissatisfaction is related to women and in another study has been reported that
marital satisfaction in women increases with age.
Nevertheless,
Amato (2007) asserted that marital happiness have been equal among men and
women. besides, the results of some studies show satisfaction about sexual
activity is one of the most important factors affecting marital satisfaction,
so lower satisfaction will occurs when sexual activity reduce due to aging by
lack of stress and unhappiness. Marital satisfaction is a complex process that
has over time been thought to be influenced by many factors, including
education, socio-economic status, love, commitment, marital communication,
conflict, gender, length of marriage, the presence of children, sexual
relations and the division of labor (Hendrick & Hendrick, 1992). The
presence of children has both negative and positive relation on marital
satisfaction. In addition, studies have shown that there is a relationship
between number of children, particularly preschool children, and marital
satisfaction (Stevens, Kiger & Riley, 2001).Being an important element of
marital life, sexual relationship and satisfaction derived from it has
significant relation to have a warm and sustaining relationship between
spouses. Husbands' and wives' ratings of
satisfaction with their sexual relationship were significantly related
to the overall satisfaction with their marital relationship (Young &
luquis, 1998). Additionally, having low levels of education in large percentage
of adults has been shown through a study could cause to lower level of
satisfaction, since high education levels leads to better communication and
conflict resolution skills in marriage.
The
objectification theory (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997) posits that men and
women often are looked at as objects by society, with a sexual focus being
placed on their bodies rather than on their abilities. The ubiquity of these
objectification experiences socializes people to internalize an observer
perspective upon their body. This process is called self-objectification and it
occurs when people think about and treat themselves as objects to be regarded
and evaluated based upon appearance (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997; McKinley,
2011). Since the foundational work of Fredrickson and Roberts (1997),
literature has largely demonstrated the damaging psychological corollary of
self-objectification. Experimental research has shown that heightened
self-objectification promotes general shame, appearance anxiety, drive for
thinness, hinders task performances and increases negative mood (Moradi and
Huang, 2008; Gervais et al., 2011; Rollero, 2013; Tiggemann, 2013).
Consistently, correlational studies have found that self-objectification is
related to appearance anxiety, body shame, positive attitudes toward cosmetic
surgery, depression, sexual dysfunction and various forms of disordered eating
(Miner-Rubino 2002; Calogero, 2009; Calogero, 2010; Peat and Muehlenkamp, 2011;
Tiggemann and Williams, 2012). Most correlational studies have been cross
sectional, but some longitudinal data are available as well and report similar
outcomes (McKinley, 2006). Even if objectification theory was developed in reference
to womens experiences, research has explored the applicability of this
framework to investigate mens experience as well. Studies have shown that men
report lower self-objectification than do women, but young male adults are
becoming progressively more worried about their physical aspect (Weltzin ,
2005; Moradi and Huang, 2008). This seems to be related to the growing tendency
to objectify men’s bodies in Western societies, which increases body image
concerns among men (Johnson, 2007; Daniel, 2014). In line with findings about
women, mens self-objectification is correlated with lower self-esteem, negative
mood, worse perceived health and disordered eating (Calogero, 2009; Rollero,
2013; Register, 2015; Rollero and De Piccoli, 2015). Moreover, self-objectification
processes have been taken into account to explain drive for muscularity,
excessive exercise and steroid use in men (Daniel and Bridges, 2010; Parent and
Moradi, 2011). In sum, a great number of studies grounded in objectification
theory have elucidated links between self-objectification processes and
relevant psychological outcomes both in female and in male populations. Fewer
studies have driven the attention to the potential antecedents of
self-objectification. Most of them emphasize the role played by mass media:
literature has clearly demonstrated the relationship between viewing
objectified media models and both men and women’s self-objectification (e.g.,
Groesz, 2002; Tiggemann, 2003; Grabe, 2008; López-Guimerà, 2010; Rollero, 2013;
Vandenbosch and Eggermont, 2014).
The
internalization of the objectifying messages from the media leads individuals
to self-objectify and guides the perception of their worth (Thompson and Stice,
2001; Vandenbosch and Eggermont, 2012; Karazsia, 2013). Recently, some authors
have pointed out the necessity to address the ideological antecedents of
self-objectification. In their experimental studies, Calogero and Jost (2011)
found that women exposed to specific ideology, i.e., sexist attitudes, increase
their level of self-objectification. They conclude that self-objectification
can be considered as a consequence of an ideological pattern that justifies and
preserves the societal status quo. Teng (2016), with a sample of Chinese women,
showed that women’s values play a role in fostering a self-objectifying
perspective, besides other sociocultural and interpersonal predictors. By means
of an experimental study, these authors induced materialism and found that
“certain situational cues that do not contain any explicit information about
the physical body could give rise to self-objectification” (Teng, 2016). Thus,
they demonstrated that materialism can trigger self-objectification tendencies.
In line with this research, Teng, (2016) in their study with Chinese subjects showed
that the more materialistic women are, the more likely that they adopt on an
objectifying gaze upon themselves and show more monitoring of their body.
Despite these two recent studies and few exceptions (Loughnan, 2015) for the
impact of culture on male and female self-objectification; Myers and Crowther,
(2007) for the role of feminist beliefs and Hurt, (2007) for the role of
feminist identity) to the best of our knowledge no other research has explored
the role played by specific ideological components, such as personal values, in
the development of self-objectification. However, according to Howard (1985),
values play an important role in shaping people attitudes and behaviors. For
example, empirical studies have shown that self-objectification predicted
greater body shame and greater appearance anxiety (Moradi & Huang, 2008).
The construct of self-objectification is conceptualized as a learned trait
(Calogero, 2011). However, it can also be elicited momentarily, such as through
media use, and can lead to a state of self-objectification (Calogero, 2011,
Moradi & Huang, 2008). There have been different approaches to
operationalizing self-objectification because researchers understand it as a
multifaceted concept (Calogero, 2011; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997;
Vandenbosch & Eggermont, 2012, 2013).
Humans are social beings. They are
born in a communication environment in society and are raised by establishing
communication by social identities such as family, teachers, neighbors,
relatives, friends, acquaintances and bosses until their death. However, the
common feature of all people is that they influence and are influenced by
people with whom they establish communication. The number of individuals who do
not have the ability to express themselves, who cannot speak in front of others
and who have "social concerns" in the society is pretty much in the
society (Kağıtçıbaşı, 1988). It is a known fact that all people fear and become
anxious under some circumstances. However, measuring the level of this emerging
concern is important for psychologists, psychiatrists and educators. This is
because treatment process and training programs can be prepared only in the
light of such information (Öner and Le Compte, 1985). Social concern, also
known as appearance anxiety, is defined as significant and persistent fear
which emerges in social situations or in front of strangers or in situations
that require performance in DSM-IV (APA, 2000). It is expressed as the fear of
being eyed by other people in relatively small groups in ICD-10 (WHO, 1993).
Appearance anxiety is “the fear that one will
be negatively evaluated because of one’s appearance” (Hart, 2008). Appearance
anxiety is indeed positively correlated with social interaction anxiety, fear
of negative evaluation, fear of scrutiny, and measures of negative body image
(Hart, 2008). However, it does not appear to represent mere overlap among these
other constructs. Instead, appearance
anxiety has been found to be a unique construct highly related to social anxiety
that taps into a unique proportion of variability in social anxiety beyond
negative body image, depression, personality, and affect (i.e., social
appearance anxiety predicts social anxiety when all of the constructs noted
above are included in the regression equation) (Hart, 2008; Levinson &
Rodebaugh, 2011). More specifically, social appearance anxiety differs from
body image concerns because it focuses on fears evoked from being evaluated by
others on one’s overall appearance, rather than a general dissatisfaction in
one’s self-image because of body dissatisfaction. Based on the available
evidence, we conceptualize social appearance anxiety as a negative social
evaluative fear that is distinct from fear of negative evaluation because it
focuses specifically on fears of judgment based on appearance versus negative
evaluation fears more generally. That is, we see appearance anxiety as a
specific type of fear of negative evaluation that requires measurement in its
own right due to its greater specificity.
Perceived flaws in appearance have been implicated as a possible core
fear in social anxiety disorder (Moscovitch, 2009).
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